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17 Mar 2026·Source: The Indian Express
7 min
Polity & GovernanceSocial IssuesNEWS

Haryana Declines Sanction to Prosecute Ashoka Professor in Social Media Case

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Quick Revision

1.

The Haryana government declined sanction to prosecute Ashoka University Professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad.

2.

The decision was termed a "one-time magnanimity" by the Additional Solicitor General.

3.

The criminal case was registered over Professor Mahmudabad's social media posts amid Operation Sindoor last year.

4.

The sanction was refused on March 3, deferring to the Supreme Court's January 6 order.

5.

The Supreme Court had previously extended its order restraining the trial court from taking cognizance of the chargesheet.

6.

Professor Mahmudabad was arrested on May 18, 2025, and granted interim bail by the SC on May 21, 2025.

7.

The Supreme Court had directed the constitution of a Special Investigation Team (SIT) comprising three directly recruited IPS officers to probe the matter.

8.

The FIRs were lodged based on complaints from the Haryana State Commission for Women chairperson and a village sarpanch.

Key Dates

March 3: Sanction to prosecute refused by Haryana government.January 6: Supreme Court extended its order restraining the trial.May 18, 2025: Professor Mahmudabad was arrested.May 21, 2025: Supreme Court granted interim bail.May 28, 2025: SC directed SIT investigation to be confined to the FIR contents.

Key Numbers

Three directly recruited IPS officers were to form the SIT.

Visual Insights

Ashoka Professor Case: A Timeline of Events

This timeline illustrates the key events in the case of Ashoka University Professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad, from his arrest to the Haryana government's decision to decline prosecution sanction.

The case highlights the interplay between freedom of speech, new criminal laws (BNS), and the procedural requirement of sanction for prosecution, with active judicial oversight.

  • 2023 DecBharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) receives Presidential assent (effective July 1, 2024)
  • 2024 July 1Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) comes into effect, replacing IPC
  • 2025 May 18Professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad arrested under BNS sections for social media posts
  • 2025 May 21Supreme Court grants interim bail to Professor Mahmudabad
  • 2025 JulySupreme Court criticizes Haryana SIT for seizing electronic gadgets, directs probe to FIR contents
  • 2025 AugChargesheet filed against Professor Mahmudabad by Haryana SIT
  • 2026 Jan 6Supreme Court extends order restraining trial court from taking cognizance of chargesheet
  • 2026 March 3Haryana government refuses sanction to prosecute Professor Mahmudabad ('one-time magnanimity')
  • 2026 March 17Haryana government informs Supreme Court of its decision, closing the criminal case

Key Locations in Ashoka Professor Case

This map highlights the geographical locations relevant to the Ashoka University Professor's case, including the state government involved and the Supreme Court's location.

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📍Haryana📍New Delhi

Mains & Interview Focus

Don't miss it!

The Haryana government's decision to withhold sanction for prosecuting Professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad marks a significant moment, highlighting the complex interplay between freedom of expression, executive discretion, and judicial oversight. This move, termed a "one-time magnanimity," effectively closes a criminal case that stemmed from social media posts, demonstrating the judiciary's subtle yet firm influence on executive actions.

Such cases underscore the delicate balance authorities must strike between maintaining public order and protecting fundamental rights, particularly Article 19(1)(a). While the state has a legitimate interest in preventing incitement or disparagement, the threshold for criminal prosecution, especially for speech-related offenses, must be exceptionally high. The Supreme Court's prior intervention, including granting interim bail and restraining trial proceedings, clearly signaled the need for a nuanced approach.

The requirement for government sanction in prosecuting certain offenses, often under Section 196 or 197 of the CrPC, is a critical safeguard. It prevents frivolous or politically motivated cases from proceeding, ensuring that executive power is exercised judiciously. In this instance, the Haryana government's deference to the Supreme Court's January 6 order suggests a pragmatic acknowledgment of judicial concerns regarding the merits or implications of the prosecution.

This outcome sends a crucial message about academic freedom and the space for dissent in a democratic society. While the Supreme Court's caution against "dog whistling" and the need for prudent conduct is valid, the ultimate refusal of sanction protects a sphere where critical commentary, even if provocative, is essential for intellectual discourse. This contrasts with more aggressive state responses seen in other contexts, where similar social media cases have been pursued vigorously, often leading to prolonged legal battles.

Moving forward, this decision should encourage greater circumspection from state authorities before initiating criminal proceedings over speech. It reinforces the judiciary's role as the ultimate arbiter of constitutional rights and sets a precedent for how cases involving sensitive social media content, particularly from academics, might be handled. The emphasis must remain on fostering an environment where ideas can be debated without fear of disproportionate legal repercussions.

Exam Angles

1.

General Studies Paper II: Indian Constitution—fundamental rights, criminal justice system, role of judiciary.

2.

General Studies Paper II: Government policies and interventions for development in various sectors and issues arising out of their design and implementation.

3.

General Studies Paper IV: Ethics and Human Interface—freedom of speech, public responsibility, accountability.

View Detailed Summary

Summary

The Haryana government has decided not to pursue a criminal case against an Ashoka University professor for his social media posts, calling it a one-time act of leniency. This decision came after the Supreme Court had intervened, granting the professor bail and pausing the trial, effectively ending the legal proceedings against him.

17 मार्च, 2026 को, भारत के सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने अशोक विश्वविद्यालय के प्रोफेसर अली खान महमूदबाद के खिलाफ आपराधिक कार्यवाही समाप्त कर दी, जब हरियाणा सरकार ने उनके अभियोजन के लिए मंजूरी न देने का फैसला किया। अतिरिक्त सॉलिसिटर जनरल एस वी राजू ने मुख्य न्यायाधीश न्यायमूर्ति सूर्यकांत और न्यायमूर्ति जॉयमाल्य बागची की पीठ को सूचित किया कि हरियाणा सरकार ने इस फैसले को "एक बार की उदारता" बताया। हरियाणा सरकार ने 3 मार्च, 2026 को औपचारिक रूप से मंजूरी देने से इनकार कर दिया था, जिससे "ऑपरेशन सिंदूर" से संबंधित महमूदबाद के सोशल मीडिया पोस्ट का मामला बंद हो गया।

प्रोफेसर महमूदबाद को 18 मई, 2025 को गिरफ्तार किया गया था, जब सोनीपत जिले के राई में उनके खिलाफ दो प्रथम सूचना रिपोर्ट (FIR) दर्ज की गई थीं। एक FIR हरियाणा राज्य महिला आयोग की अध्यक्ष रेणु भाटिया की शिकायत पर आधारित थी, और दूसरी एक गांव के सरपंच की शिकायत पर। उन पर भारतीय न्याय संहिता (BNS) की धारा 152 (भारत की संप्रभुता या एकता और अखंडता को खतरे में डालने वाले कार्य), 353 (सार्वजनिक उपद्रव करने वाले बयान), 79 (एक महिला की लज्जा का अपमान करने के उद्देश्य से जानबूझकर की गई कार्रवाई), और 196 (1) (धर्म के आधार पर विभिन्न समूहों के बीच दुश्मनी को बढ़ावा देना) के तहत मामला दर्ज किया गया था। उनके विवादास्पद पोस्ट में कथित तौर पर ऑपरेशन सिंदूर के दौरान महिला अधिकारियों, कर्नल सोफिया कुरैशी और विंग कमांडर व्योमिका सिंह द्वारा की गई मीडिया ब्रीफिंग को केवल "ऑप्टिक्स" बताया गया था, जिसका अर्थ था कि जमीनी हकीकत से उनका कोई संबंध नहीं था।

सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने पहले हस्तक्षेप किया था, 21 मई, 2025 को महमूदबाद को अंतरिम जमानत दी थी, लेकिन शुरू में जांच पर रोक लगाने से इनकार कर दिया था, इसके बजाय FIR की जांच के लिए तीन सदस्यीय विशेष जांच दल (SIT) का गठन किया था। 16 जुलाई, 2025 को, शीर्ष अदालत ने इलेक्ट्रॉनिक गैजेट्स जब्त करने के लिए SIT की आलोचना की, यह कहते हुए कि उसने "खुद को गुमराह किया" था, और SIT को अपनी जांच को सख्ती से FIR की सामग्री तक सीमित रखने का निर्देश दिया। अगस्त 2025 में एक आरोप पत्र दायर किया गया था, लेकिन सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने बाद में 25 अगस्त, 2025 को ट्रायल कोर्ट को इसका संज्ञान लेने से रोक दिया था, और 6 जनवरी, 2026 को इस आदेश को आगे बढ़ाया था, राज्य से मंजूरी के संबंध में स्पष्ट निर्देशों का इंतजार कर रहा था। पीठ ने मामला बंद करते हुए महमूदबाद को भविष्य में विवेकपूर्ण तरीके से कार्य करने की चेतावनी दी, सार्वजनिक चर्चा की संवेदनशील प्रकृति पर ध्यान दिया।

यह घटनाक्रम भारत में अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता, सार्वजनिक व्यवस्था और आपराधिक अभियोजन की प्रक्रिया के बीच जटिल संतुलन को उजागर करता है, विशेष रूप से सार्वजनिक हस्तियों द्वारा सोशल मीडिया टिप्पणियों के संबंध में। यह यूपीएससी सिविल सेवा परीक्षा के सामान्य अध्ययन पेपर II (राजव्यवस्था और शासन) के तहत मौलिक अधिकारों, आपराधिक न्याय प्रणाली और न्यायपालिका की भूमिका से संबंधित विषयों के लिए प्रासंगिक है।

Background

अभियोजन के लिए मंजूरी देने या न देने की शक्ति भारतीय आपराधिक न्याय प्रणाली का एक महत्वपूर्ण पहलू है, खासकर सार्वजनिक अधिकारियों या संवेदनशील मामलों से जुड़े मामलों में। यह तंत्र, जो अक्सर विशिष्ट कानूनों में निहित होता है, कुछ अपराधों का संज्ञान लेने से पहले एक सक्षम प्राधिकारी (आमतौर पर सरकार) से पूर्व अनुमोदन की आवश्यकता होती है। इसका उद्देश्य तुच्छ या राजनीतिक रूप से प्रेरित अभियोजनों को रोकना है, यह सुनिश्चित करना है कि व्यापक सार्वजनिक निहितार्थ वाले मामलों की जांच की जाए। इस खबर के संदर्भ में, मामला भारतीय न्याय संहिता (BNS) की धाराओं से संबंधित था, जिसने 2023 में भारतीय दंड संहिता (IPC) की जगह ली। धारा 152 (संप्रभुता को खतरे में डालना), 353 (सार्वजनिक उपद्रव), 79 (एक महिला की लज्जा का अपमान करना), और 196 (दुश्मनी को बढ़ावा देना) जैसे खंड उन अपराधों से संबंधित हैं जिनका महत्वपूर्ण सामाजिक प्रभाव हो सकता है और अक्सर व्यक्तिपरक व्याख्याएं शामिल होती हैं, जिससे मंजूरी प्रक्रिया महत्वपूर्ण हो जाती है। यह मामला भारतीय संविधान के अनुच्छेद 19(1)(a) के तहत गारंटीकृत अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता के मौलिक अधिकार को भी छूता है। जबकि यह अधिकार एक जीवंत लोकतंत्र के लिए आवश्यक है, यह पूर्ण नहीं है और अनुच्छेद 19(2) के तहत उचित प्रतिबंधों के अधीन है, जिसमें सार्वजनिक व्यवस्था, शालीनता, नैतिकता, और भारत की संप्रभुता और अखंडता से संबंधित प्रतिबंध शामिल हैं। न्यायपालिका अक्सर इन प्रतिस्पर्धी हितों को संतुलित करने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाती है।

Latest Developments

हाल ही में लागू हुई भारतीय न्याय संहिता (BNS) भारत के औपनिवेशिक युग के आपराधिक कानूनों का एक महत्वपूर्ण बदलाव है। इसके परिचय से इसके प्रावधानों, विशेष रूप से राजद्रोह, सार्वजनिक व्यवस्था और राज्य के खिलाफ अपराधों से संबंधित प्रावधानों के बारे में बहस छिड़ गई है, जिन्हें अब फिर से संहिताबद्ध किया गया है। कानून प्रवर्तन और न्यायपालिका द्वारा इन नए अनुभागों की व्याख्या और अनुप्रयोग वर्तमान में विकसित हो रहे हैं, जिससे प्रोफेसर महमूदबाद जैसे मामले नई कानूनी ढांचे की एक महत्वपूर्ण परीक्षा बन गए हैं। हाल के वर्षों में, सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने अक्सर सोशल मीडिया पर अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता से संबंधित मुद्दों को संबोधित किया है, जिसमें व्यक्तिगत स्वतंत्रता और जिम्मेदार आचरण के बीच संतुलन की आवश्यकता पर जोर दिया गया है। ऐसे कई उदाहरण सामने आए हैं जहां अदालतों ने ऑनलाइन अभिव्यक्ति की सीमाओं पर विचार किया है, खासकर जब यह राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा, सार्वजनिक व्यवस्था या सांप्रदायिक सद्भाव से संबंधित हो। न्यायपालिका ने लगातार संवेदनशील स्थितियों में सावधानी के महत्व को दोहराया है, जैसा कि इस विशिष्ट मामले में CJI की टिप्पणियों से उजागर होता है। सरकार भी विभिन्न नीतियों और दिशानिर्देशों के माध्यम से सोशल मीडिया सामग्री को विनियमित करने में सक्रिय रूप से लगी हुई है, जिसका उद्देश्य गलत सूचना, घृणास्पद भाषण और राष्ट्रीय हितों के लिए हानिकारक मानी जाने वाली सामग्री पर अंकुश लगाना है। ऑनलाइन अभिव्यक्ति की सीमाओं को परिभाषित करने और डिजिटल सामग्री निर्माताओं के लिए जवाबदेही सुनिश्चित करने का यह चल रहा प्रयास भारत में नीति और कानूनी विकास का एक प्रमुख क्षेत्र बना हुआ है।

Sources & Further Reading

Frequently Asked Questions

1. What is the purpose of "sanction for prosecution" in India, and how does the recent Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) relate to such cases?

Sanction for prosecution is a crucial aspect of the Indian criminal justice system, especially for cases involving public officials or sensitive matters. Its primary purpose is to prevent frivolous or politically motivated prosecutions by requiring prior approval from a competent authority (usually the government) before a court can take cognizance of certain offenses. This ensures that cases with broader public implications are properly scrutinized.

Exam Tip

Remember that sanction acts as a safeguard against misuse of legal process. The BNS is a new framework, so understanding how it redefines or re-codifies offenses (like those against the state or public order) is key, as these are often the types of cases requiring sanction.

2. Which specific constitutional provisions protect freedom of speech and expression in India, and what are the permissible grounds for their restriction, as seen in cases like Professor Mahmudabad's?

Freedom of speech and expression is a fundamental right protected under Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution. However, this right is not absolute. Article 19(2) allows the state to impose "reasonable restrictions" on this right in the interests of:

  • Sovereignty and integrity of India
  • Security of the State
  • Friendly relations with foreign States
  • Public order
  • Decency or morality
  • Contempt of court
  • Defamation
  • Incitement to an offense

Exam Tip

UPSC often tests the exact grounds for reasonable restrictions. Remember the eight grounds listed in Article 19(2). Cases involving social media posts often fall under "public order" or "incitement to an offense."

3. Why did the Haryana government's decision to decline prosecution sanction for Professor Mahmudabad come after the Supreme Court's intervention, and what does this sequence imply about judicial oversight?

The Haryana government formally refused sanction on March 3, deferring to the Supreme Court's January 6 order. The Supreme Court had previously extended its order restraining the trial court from taking cognizance of the chargesheet. This sequence implies that the judiciary, specifically the Supreme Court, played a crucial role in safeguarding the professor's rights and ensuring due process. The government's decision to decline sanction, while its own prerogative, was influenced by the higher court's intervention, highlighting the judiciary's power to oversee and guide legal proceedings, especially in sensitive cases.

Exam Tip

When analyzing such cases, always look for the interplay between different branches of government. Here, the judiciary's proactive role influenced the executive's decision, showcasing the system of checks and balances.

4. The Haryana government termed its decision "one-time magnanimity." What are the potential implications of such a statement for future cases involving social media posts and prosecution sanctions?

The term "one-time magnanimity" suggests that the Haryana government views this specific decision as an exception rather than setting a precedent.

  • No Precedent: It implies that similar cases in the future might not receive the same leniency, potentially making it harder for individuals facing charges related to social media posts.
  • Discretionary Power: It underscores the government's discretionary power in granting or denying prosecution sanction, reinforcing that such decisions are made on a case-by-case basis.
  • Chilling Effect: It could create a "chilling effect" on freedom of speech, as individuals might be more cautious about expressing opinions on social media, fearing that future actions might not be met with similar "magnanimity."
  • Judicial Scrutiny: It also highlights the continued importance of judicial scrutiny, as the Supreme Court's intervention was a key factor in this particular outcome.

Exam Tip

When a government uses specific phrasing like "one-time magnanimity," analyze its potential long-term implications for policy, individual rights, and the relationship between state and citizen.

5. How does this case highlight the ongoing tension between individual freedom of speech and the state's power to maintain public order, especially in the context of social media and new laws like BNS?

This case perfectly illustrates the delicate balance required between fundamental rights and state responsibilities.

  • Freedom of Expression: Professor Mahmudabad's social media posts, even if controversial, fall under the ambit of freedom of speech (Article 19(1)(a)). The state's initial action of arrest and FIRs raised concerns about potential overreach.
  • Public Order: The complaints leading to the FIRs likely invoked concerns about public order, which is a legitimate ground for restriction under Article 19(2). The challenge lies in determining if the posts genuinely threatened public order or were merely critical/dissenting.
  • Role of Social Media: Social media amplifies voices but also accelerates the spread of potentially inflammatory content, making the state's task of maintaining order more complex.
  • New Legal Framework (BNS): The Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) aims to update criminal laws, but its interpretation regarding offenses against the state and public order is still evolving. This case becomes a test case for how these new provisions will be applied, potentially impacting the scope of free speech.
  • Judicial Safeguard: The Supreme Court's intervention and Haryana's eventual decision to decline sanction underscore the judiciary's role as a crucial check against potential executive overreach, ensuring that restrictions on free speech are reasonable and proportionate.

Exam Tip

For interview questions, always present a balanced view, acknowledging both the right to free speech and the state's legitimate concerns for public order. Connect it to current legal reforms.

6. What are the key debates surrounding the implementation of the Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), particularly concerning provisions related to public order and offenses against the state, as exemplified by cases like Professor Mahmudabad's?

The Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) represents a significant overhaul of India's colonial-era criminal laws, replacing the Indian Penal Code (IPC). Its implementation has sparked debates, especially concerning provisions that touch upon public order and offenses against the state.

  • Redefinition of Offenses: Critics argue that while sedition (Section 124A IPC) has been removed, new provisions in BNS related to "acts endangering sovereignty, unity and integrity of India" (Section 150 BNS) are broad and could be similarly misused to curb dissent.
  • Scope of Public Order: The interpretation of what constitutes a threat to "public order" under BNS is crucial. Cases like Professor Mahmudabad's test how broadly or narrowly law enforcement and the judiciary will apply these new sections, directly impacting freedom of expression.
  • Police Powers: Concerns exist about enhanced police powers under BNS, potentially leading to more arrests and detentions for social media activities, especially if the definitions of offenses remain ambiguous.
  • Judicial Interpretation: The actual impact of BNS will depend heavily on how courts interpret and apply its provisions. The Supreme Court's role in cases like this becomes vital in setting precedents for the new legal framework.

Exam Tip

For current affairs, focus on the *transition* and *implications* of new laws. Understand the arguments for and against the BNS, especially regarding fundamental rights.

Practice Questions (MCQs)

1. With reference to the case of Professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad, consider the following statements: 1. The Haryana government refused sanction for his prosecution, citing it as a "one-time magnanimity." 2. He was booked under sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) for his social media posts. 3. The Supreme Court had initially stayed the investigation against him but later allowed it to proceed. Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

  • A.1 only
  • B.1 and 2 only
  • C.2 and 3 only
  • D.1, 2 and 3
Show Answer

Answer: A

Statement 1 is CORRECT: The Haryana government, through Additional Solicitor General S V Raju, informed the Supreme Court that it would not grant sanction for prosecution, describing it as a "one-time magnanimity." This decision was formally made on March 3, 2026. Statement 2 is INCORRECT: Professor Mahmudabad was booked under sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), specifically Sections 152, 353, 79, and 196 (1), not the Indian Penal Code (IPC). The BNS replaced the IPC and came into force on July 1, 2024. Statement 3 is INCORRECT: The Supreme Court granted interim bail to Professor Mahmudabad on May 21, 2025, but *refused to stay the investigation* against him. Instead, it directed a three-member SIT to look into the FIRs. The court later restrained the trial court from taking cognisance of the chargesheet, but did not stay the investigation itself.

2. In the context of criminal prosecution in India, the requirement of 'sanction for prosecution' is primarily intended to: 1. Ensure that only serious offences are brought before the courts. 2. Prevent frivolous or politically motivated legal proceedings against certain individuals. 3. Provide an additional layer of executive oversight in cases with broader public implications. 4. Expedite the judicial process by pre-screening cases. Select the correct answer using the code given below:

  • A.1 and 4 only
  • B.2 and 3 only
  • C.1, 2 and 3 only
  • D.2, 3 and 4 only
Show Answer

Answer: B

Statement 1 is INCORRECT: While sanction is often required for serious offences, its primary intent is not to filter based solely on the seriousness of the offence, but rather to ensure proper vetting, especially when public officials or sensitive matters are involved, to prevent misuse of legal process. Statement 2 is CORRECT: A key purpose of sanction for prosecution is to act as a safeguard against malicious, vexatious, or politically motivated prosecutions, particularly when it involves public officials or matters of state, protecting them from unwarranted legal harassment. Statement 3 is CORRECT: Sanction provides an executive check on the initiation of criminal proceedings, ensuring that cases with potential political, administrative, or significant public impact are carefully considered by the government or a designated authority before reaching the judiciary. Statement 4 is INCORRECT: The sanction process can often delay, rather than expedite, the judicial process as it adds an additional procedural step that must be completed before a court can take cognisance of the offence.

3. Consider the following statements regarding the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and related legal provisions: 1. The BNS replaced the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and came into effect in 2023. 2. Section 196(1) of the BNS deals with promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion. 3. The right to freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution is absolute and cannot be restricted. Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

  • A.1 only
  • B.2 only
  • C.1 and 2 only
  • D.1, 2 and 3
Show Answer

Answer: B

Statement 1 is INCORRECT: The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) replaced the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and was enacted in December 2023, but it officially came into force on July 1, 2024, not in 2023. Statement 2 is CORRECT: As per the provided source, Professor Mahmudabad was booked under Section 196(1) of the BNS for "promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion," which accurately describes the provision. Statement 3 is INCORRECT: The right to freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution is not absolute. It is subject to reasonable restrictions under Article 19(2), which include grounds such as the sovereignty and integrity of India, security of the State, public order, decency or morality, contempt of court, defamation, or incitement to an offence.

4. Which of the following women officers were mentioned in the context of Operation Sindoor press briefings, allegedly referred to as "optics" by Professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad? 1. Colonel Sofiya Qureshi 2. Wing Commander Vyomika Singh 3. Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri Select the correct option:

  • A.1 only
  • B.2 only
  • C.1 and 2 only
  • D.1, 2 and 3
Show Answer

Answer: C

The source explicitly states that "Wing Commander Vyomika Singh and Colonel Qureshi were the face of India’s press briefings on Operation Sindoor, as the two women officers flanked Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri in their interaction with the media." Professor Mahmudabad allegedly described media briefings by Colonel Sofiya Qureshi and Wing Commander Vyomika Singh as "optics." Therefore, statements 1 and 2 are correct. Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri was present alongside them but was not one of the women officers whose briefings were specifically referred to as "optics" by Mahmudabad.

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About the Author

Anshul Mann

Public Policy Enthusiast & UPSC Analyst

Anshul Mann writes about Polity & Governance at GKSolver, breaking down complex developments into clear, exam-relevant analysis.

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